Findings

How early intervention is defined

In total, we identified 35 documents with a focus on violence against women or gendered violence and containing a definition of early intervention. These included 14 plans, strategies or frameworks; 10 published reports; three practice guides; and eight peer-reviewed articles (see Table A1 in Appendix 1 and Table A2 in Appendix 2). While the specific wording of these definitions varied across documents, they broadly contained similar elements and/or expressed a similar meaning or intent. The elements most commonly identified across definitions of early intervention were: 

1. focusing on individuals and families at high risk of experiencing and/or perpetrating violence
2. addressing or reducing known risk factors 
3. intervening at the earliest stage possible, either to stop violence from reoccurring or prevent it from escalating (i.e. changing the trajectory of violence). 

The UN Women’s framework to underpin action to prevent violence against women (5) provides a definition of early intervention that specifies the target audience – being those at high risk of perpetration and/or victimisation – as well as the risk factors that contribute to this increased risk. Importantly, the framework also provides a comprehensive list of the risk factors and determinants that need to be addressed as part of early intervention work (see Table 1). 

Australia’s national prevention framework – Change the story (6) – also specifies a focus on people at higher risk of perpetrating or experiencing violence in its definition of early intervention, stating that ‘early intervention aims to change the trajectory for individuals at higher-than-average risk of perpetrating or experiencing violence’ (6 p. 55). This definition has been adopted in most state and territory government prevention plans and strategies, which over time have increasingly sought to align their prevention approaches with Change the story. 

While Australia’s National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children 2022-2032 (13) also aligns with Change the story, it provides are more specific and targeted definition of early intervention, emphasising support for individuals and families at risk or already experiencing family violence. It states that ‘early intervention aims to identify and support individuals and families experiencing, or at risk of, gender-based violence in order to stop violence from escalating, protect victim-survivors from harm and prevent violence from reoccurring’ (13 p. 82). The explicit focus on preventing recurring or escalating violence in the National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children has also been adopted in several other government documents included in this review (14, 15, 20). 

Other notable variations in the early intervention definitions identified through this review were: 

1. a focus on addressing the early signs of violence for both perpetration and victimisation 
2. a focus on changing attitudes and behaviours, and building the skills of those at risk of using violence. 

For example, in their definitions of early intervention, the NSW Domestic and Family Violence Prevention and Early Intervention Strategy (21) and the Northern Territory’s Domestic, Family and Sexual Violence Reduction Framework (22) explicitly refer to changing attitudes and behaviours, and building the skills of people at risk. 

The most comprehensive definition of early intervention identified through this review was in VicHealth’s Public Health Model for the Prevention of Violence Against Women (23). It specifies who and what early intervention aims to target, and that early intervention activities can be targeted at individual-level risks and behaviours, as well as the environments (i.e. settings) that contribute to or increase the risk of violence. The VicHealth definition states that: 

Early intervention is targeted to individuals and groups who exhibit early signs of perpetrating violent behaviour or of being subject to violence. It can be aimed at changing behaviours or increasing the skills of individuals and groups … and may also be targeted to environments in which there are strong signs that violence may occur or has begun to occur. 

The peer-reviewed articles and various reports included in this review generally described interventions and programs, and they commonly defined early intervention in terms of early detection and identification of violence to reduce it once it has already occurred, to reduce the immediate harms of violence, and to prevent violence from reoccurring or escalating. Some definitions of early intervention also extended to preventing or minimising the broader impacts of violence on women and children, particularly health and social impacts (see Table A2).

Table 1: Summary of risk factors and determinants of intimate partner violence

(footnote 5)

How early intervention is categorised and applied

Public health definitions and conceptualisations of early intervention in gendered violence prevention have evolved over time. It has also been categorised and applied in various ways in policy, programming and practice, depending on the context or setting in which it is being used.  

Gendered violence frameworks and models often conceptualise and depict primary, secondary and tertiary prevention as discrete, linear and or/hierarchical categories of intervention. In reality, the three levels of prevention are overlapping, interdependent categories of activity that interconnect and reinforce each other (3, 24, 25).  

In addition, early intervention aims to disrupt pathways to violence by intervening along a continuum that includes intervening to address people at greater risk of violence, intervening to address behaviours that predict future violence, or intervening in the early stages of someone using violence to prevent recurrence or escalation of violence (i.e. in severity and impact).

Given these factors, it is generally not useful to place rigid boundaries around what constitutes primary prevention and early intervention, or to separate them into distinct or mutually exclusive categories of intervention. Place-based prevention initiatives and programs implemented in complex contexts typically utilise integrated prevention approaches that combine interventions that span two or more levels of prevention. Primary prevention and/or universal prevention activities and interventions that target whole populations are also likely to reach people who are either at risk of, or already experiencing or using, violence. These would therefore have primary and secondary prevention benefits and achieve primary and secondary prevention outcomes (26, 27).  

The findings of this review suggest three key factors are relevant in determining whether a program or intervention can be considered or categorised as early intervention:  

1. the timing or point of intervention
2. the intended target groups or beneficiaries
3. the intended impact or outcomes.  

Timing of, or point of intervention

The timing of or point of intervention is generally the primary factor used to determine whether and intervention or program constitutes early intervention (3, 26, 28). Based on the public health model of gendered violence prevention, the first point of intervention along the early intervention continuum is the known or likely presence of risks factors that increase the likelihood of violence. Other points of intervention include: when early signs of violence (such as problematic behaviours) are confirmed or suspected; and during the early stages of violence perpetration or victimisation to prevent the recurrence and/or escalation of violence, and to prevent further harm (29-31). Interventions targeting people already using or experiencing violence are more commonly implemented in service settings but can also be delivered in community-based settings.  

Prevention interventions that target people during key life stages or transitions when the risk of gendered violence perpetration and victimisation is known to increase are also categorised as early intervention. This includes for example, when young people enter into an intimate partner relationship for the first time, during pregnancy and early parenting, during relationship breakdown and separation, and when young people transition to adulthood (4, 12, 31-33).  

Within service sector contexts, the timing of a person’s initial contact with a service generally determines whether an intervention is categorised as early intervention (34). For example, early identification and responses to disclosures of violence within universal services (i.e. health services, early childhood services) is categorised as early intervention (35). Similarly, justice services such as the police, community legal services and courts generally define work with a perpetrator as early intervention if that individual has never been engaged in the justice system or does not have a recorded family violence offence (34, 36). However, given the time it takes for a person who has experienced family violence to first disclose and/or report family violence, by the time a person has contact with the justice system, they have likely been perpetrating for a long time, which would constitute a tertiary response within public health models of prevention.  

Another key factor that influences whether an intervention is categorised as early intervention is the relationship between victimisation and future perpetration, where work with children and young people who have experienced or been exposed to violence is considered early intervention, given its potential to disrupt intergenerational cycles of violence (4, 37, 38). This can include interventions that directly target children and young people in any setting. It also includes family violence response work that primarily supports women experiencing family violence, but that also intentionally focuses on the recovery of their children, thereby reducing the risk of future victimisation and perpetration (39). These interventions are usually highly specialised and more commonly delivered within service settings and/or therapeutic work.

Target groups or beneficiaries of the intervention

The target group or beneficiaries of an intervention is another key factor that influences whether it is categorised as early intervention (3, 26, 28). Prevention interventions targeting or involving populations or communities at higher risk of experiencing or using violence are generally considered early intervention. This includes cohorts who at higher risk due to their personal history or family circumstances, as well as marginalised communities who are at increased risk due to structural oppression, discrimination, inequality and socio-economic disadvantage (26, 32, 34, 40).  

Universal prevention programs and activities that target the whole population but inevitably reach or involve cohorts at risk can be categorised as early intervention (or selective prevention). Finally, interventions targeting specific risk factors for gendered violence are generally categorised as early intervention. This includes interventions targeting community and settings-based risks, and those with a dual focus on gendered violence and known risk factors, such as drug and alcohol use, gambling and/or poor mental health (30, 32, 33, 35, 36).  

Programs and interventions targeting children and young people are often categorised as early intervention, given these provide the greatest opportunity to identify and address childhood risk and protective factors, and intervene in problematic and harmful behaviours that can lead to violence in future. Some disciplines characterise all work with ‘at-risk’ children and young people (i.e. those experiencing socio-economic disadvantage) as the ideal opportunity for early intervention across various social outcomes, including gendered violence (12, 32, 41). This framing of early intervention is more common in sectors that focus on the wellbeing and welfare of children, including education, early childhood development and youth justice settings.  

Intended outcomes of the intervention

The intended outcomes of an intervention is an integral factor in determining whether an intervention is categorised as early intervention (3). Interventions that aim to address or reduce risk factors for gendered violence, those that aim to change harmful or problematic behaviours, and those that aim to prevent or reduce the recurrence of violence can be categorised as early intervention.  

Public health approaches to gendered violence prevention often have a dual focus on preventing or minimising violence, as well as minimising the impacts (or consequences) of violence. As such, programs and interventions that aim to improve secondary outcomes for people who have experienced violence can be categorised as early intervention (i.e. mental health, physical health, social connection and other wellbeing outcomes) (3, 32). The specific outcomes of early intervention programs and interventions identified in this review are reported in the outcomes section of this report.

A number of authors emphasised the importance of developing a theory of change to guide the selection and implementation of interventions across the prevention continuum to ensure they are likely to achieve the stated or intended outcomes, and a mutually reinforcing impact (26, 37, 42).  

Overview of early intervention approaches

Early intervention programs, interventions and strategies  

Early intervention programs, interventions and strategies were described in a number of peer-reviewed studies and reports, including seven systematic reviews (30, 31, 34, 35, 42-44), a meta review (24), an umbrella review (27) and two literature reviews (26, 32). Six of these reviews (26, 31, 34, 42-44) self-categorised interventions and programs according to the three levels of prevention: primary prevention, secondary prevention (early intervention), and tertiary prevention. The interventions and programs that were self-identified and categorised as early intervention by the study authors are shown in Table 2, followed by a brief description of the studies.  

Table 2: Programs and interventions categorised as early intervention by study authors

The review conducted by Tayton et al. aimed to understand the characteristics of effective practice in domestic and family violence prevention and early intervention with ‘at-risk’ groups and communities (26). The groups they identified as being at greater risk of experiencing domestic and family violence and increased barriers to accessing services were: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women; women from culturally and linguistically diverse communities; lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and gender-diverse, intersex, and/or queer (LGBTIQ) (footnote 7) people; young women; and women in regional, rural and remote (non-urban) communities. Desktop research and extensive stakeholder consultation were undertaken to identify prevention and early intervention programs and activities, and evidence of effective practice with the identified at-risk groups. The review report also provides a database of Australian-based services and programs, categorised as prevention, early intervention or response, including details of the program aims and activities.  

Bacchus et al. conducted a systematic review of prevention and response interventions simultaneously targeting intimate partner violence and violence against children (including exposure to violence against a parent or family member) (43). A total of 30 interventions were identified, 19 of which were categorised as primary prevention, and 11 of which were categorised as response. In this review, the authors categorised early interventions (i.e. early detection, and prevention of violence recurrence) as response interventions. They also described several primary prevention interventions that targeted specific risk factors or cohorts at increased risk. The early interventions were training programs for health and social care workers to identify violence and refer to services, and parenting programs focused on family strengthening by improving communication, healthy conflict management and nonviolent discipline. Several parenting programs were categorised as targeted primary prevention interventions, but utilised similar strategies and targeted similar risk factors as the early interventions.  

The systematic review conducted by Cleaver et al. sought to identify promising practice in multi-agency early intervention using published evaluations (34). The authors categorised interventions as primary, secondary or tertiary prevention according to the preventative functions and activities of the public service in the UK. Only three interventions were identified as early intervention, while school-based programs were recognised as having both primary and secondary prevention elements and opportunities. The authors noted that secondary prevention relies on early intervention strategies that promote positive messages about early access to services and addressing stigma surrounding disclosure of violence, and that school-based primary prevention strategies are important enablers of early intervention. However, they concluded the need for further clarification of what constitutes early intervention in prevention work.

Owens et al. conducted a systematic review on the effectiveness of interventions to prevent violence against women (at the individual and community level) in the Arab League (42). The review included 17 studies, including three that were categorised as secondary prevention, and two that combined secondary prevention with primary and/or tertiary prevention. These included training for nursing staff on identifying and responding to intimate partner violence, an education program for women on intimate partner violence, a train the trainer program for legal professionals on women’s rights, and a bystander program to support people experiencing violence. The authors argued that using more than one level of prevention in an intervention may improve implementation effectiveness and outcomes, and that interventions should be designed to address specific goals against a theory of change, rather than relying on single-level intervention.

The aim of the review conducted by Wynter et al. was to determine the effectiveness of father-focused interventions to prevent or reduce intimate partner violence during pregnancy or early parenthood (31). The review included 15 studies, which were categorised according to whether they were designed as primary prevention or secondary prevention, or whether they were primary prevention interventions that targeted participants at high risk of victimisation or perpetration (i.e. selective prevention). Four interventions were identified as secondary prevention, and four were identified as selective primary prevention interventions targeting at-risk participants. The secondary prevention interventions focused on identifying violence and referring to services, behaviour change and healthy family functioning. While the review highlighted the lack of studies on interventions targeting fathers (especially during pregnancy), it emphasised the transition to parenthood as a critical time to intervene with men who are likely to perpetrate intimate partner violence. It also recommended designing interventions based on frameworks that challenge traditional gender norms, and that interventions should be guided by a theory of change that considers multiple risk factors for perpetration of intimate partner violence, and tailored to the specific experiences and characteristics of target populations.

Miele et al. conducted a systematic review of World Health Organization’s, UN Women’s, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization’s (UNESCO’s), and United Nations International Children’s Fund’s (UNICEF’s) frameworks, guides and resources on the prevention of sexual violence. The aim of the review was to inform prevention activity and highlight the levels of prevention targeted by the work of these agencies (44). Of the 50 documents included in the review, not one provided guidance on secondary prevention. However, this in part reflects the authors’ interpretation of the three levels of prevention, given actions to address and support parenting, substance abuse and early identification were categorised as primary prevention, while early identification of people who had experienced violence and addressing early exposure to violence were categorised as tertiary prevention in this review. One intervention was categorised as integrated prevention, which included early identification of violence and referral to services as part of an initiative that combined all three levels of prevention.

Many documents included in this review described prevention programs and interventions, but without categorising them into levels of prevention. We analysed these documents to identify the programs and interventions that we deemed to be early intervention based on their stated aims, components and intended outcomes. The most common types of intervention identified were social and emotional learning programs for children and young people, family programs, parenting programs and healthy relationship programs. A range of therapeutic programs for people who have experienced gendered violence were also identified, many of which combined individual and small group work. Small group work was also commonly used to support education and skill development, including programs to promote healthy parenting and healthy relationships, bystander interventions and mentoring programs.

The majority of the Australian-based early intervention programs identified in this review utilised therapeutic interventions with either individuals, whole families or small groups. These generally targeted young people who were either at risk of violence, showing signs of using violence, or already using violence in the home or in their intimate partner relationships. Another common intervention type was capacity building for professionals and frontline workers in universal services. Some of these were standalone capacity-building initiatives and some were capacity-building activities incorporated into multi-component early intervention programs. A small number of programs and interventions incorporated community education about domestic and family violence as a key component, which included a focus on the gendered power dynamics of violence as well as information on service access and referral pathways.  

The full range of early intervention programs and interventions identified in the documents included in this review are shown in Table 3. A list of the Australian-based interventions and programs are provided in Table A3 in Appendix 3.

Table 3: Early intervention programs and interventions identified in this review

Principles underpinning early intervention in policy and practice

We identified a broad range of principles used to guide early intervention policy and practice. In total, 10 documents either mentioned or described a set of principles, including three government strategies/plans (13, 14, 50), four reports (39, 45, 47, 51), three practice guides (52-54) and two peer-reviewed articles (36, 38). Most of the documents that described key principles did not define or explain them, and very few described how these principles were applied in practice, or how they were used to guide the design, development or implementation of early intervention programs and interventions.  

The three government plans/strategies that outlined key principles (see Table 4) applied them universally across all family violence and violence against women priorities and activities. These were either described across the prevention classification schema (primary, secondary, tertiary), or the four domains of the National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children (prevention, early intervention, response, recovery). The intent of the principles in these documents is to guide approaches and ways of working across the whole family violence system, including the way governments and service providers work together.  

Common principles described across the government strategies and plans were; self-determination, collaboration and partnerships, coordination and integration, and accountability. They also included principles relating to strengths-based and rights-based approaches. Two reports that reviewed and outlined policy or government approaches to family violence also highlighted self-determination, cultural safety and intersectionality as key principles, emphasising the importance of Aboriginal-led approaches and designing and delivering activities that respond to the needs and experiences of marginalised communities.

Table 4: Principles applied broadly to gendered violence prevention and response

A small number of documents referred to principles that specifically underpin early intervention work, including three practice guides (52-54) and three intervention studies (36, 38, 39) (see Table 5). These principles are relevant to, and applied in, the design and delivery of early intervention programs and interventions. As early intervention work often involves working directly with individuals, it is commonly grounded in person-centred, trauma-informed and strengths-based principles. Other notable principles underpinning early intervention approaches to family and gender-based violence are gender-transformative or feminist principles, and culturally-informed or responsive principles.  

Of the 23 Australian-based interventions and programs included in this review, only six explicitly mentioned their guiding principles. The principles described were strengths based (25), cultural safety (55), holistic (37), and non-judgemental (37), as well as the principles applied in the two Australian-based programs in Table 4, the Safe Nest Group project and the U-Turn intervention.

Table 5: Principles applied specifically to early intervention work

The ACT Government’s ACT Domestic, Family and Sexual Violence Strategy: Consultation draft (14) was the only document that provided definitions for its stated principles, some of which were general descriptions, while others were statements about ways of working. The study on the MPOWER intervention (38) for children and young people who have experienced domestic violence and abuse was the only peer-reviewed article to explain how the principles were applied. The meaning of the five underpinning principles was described, as well as how they were applied in therapeutic early intervention work to support the healing and recovery of children and young people. These are discussed further in the following section on early intervention practices.

Several studies and reports in this review also specified the theories and frameworks that informed their work, noting that their central principles and practices underpinned their early intervention practice. These included:  

• feminist theory (36, 41)
• behaviour change theory (36)  
• transtheoretical stages of change model (37)
• social learning theory (41, 47)
• attachment and trauma theory (37, 39, 45)  
• psychodynamic theory (39)
• psychoeducational framework of behaviour change (36).

While these theories and frameworks were only mentioned briefly within the studies, they are likely to provide useful guidance on core principles and practices for designing and delivering effective early intervention programs and interventions to prevent and reduce gendered violence.  

Early intervention practices

Several reports and guides highlighted promising or effective practices for early intervention with specific communities or cohorts, including with men and boys (37, 54), Aboriginal people (47, 48, 53), children and young people (38), and mothers with infants (39). There was some variation in the way practices were described, with some documents outlining a combination of principles, strategies and considerations for designing and implementing early intervention programs and activities.  

Early intervention with men and boys

Two documents in this review described practices for working with men and boys to prevent and reduce gendered violence. The first document was a perspectives paper by Jesuit Social Services, which draws on practice experience and evidence from the programs delivered as part of The Men’s Project initiative (37). Its violence prevention programs involve working directly with men and boys (including ‘at-risk’ cohorts) as well as the people who work with men and boys on a regular basis (i.e. teachers, sports coaches). While some of its programs involve individual therapeutic work, most of them also involve sustained group work (i.e. workshops) in community settings such as schools and sports clubs. Jesuit Social Services proposes four practice directions for working with men and boys, the key elements of which are summarised here:  

• Increase understanding of, and support reflection on, the harms of stereotypical masculine norms, through conversations grounded in place-specific knowledge.
• Challenge beliefs that underpin the use of violence, with an emphasis on power and control.  
• Apply a relational and non-judgemental approach to engagement.
• Support them to resist stereotypical masculine norms by addressing the pressure they feel to conform and providing healthy alternatives  
• Support them to see and bridge the gap between what they perceive society believes and what their peers actually believe.
• Teach skills and create cultures that equip men and boys to intervene in violence supportive attitudes and behaviours.
• Demonstrate and promote positive alternatives to masculinity in the home, workplace, community and education settings by equipping role models with skills to support change.
• Provide men and boys with skills that support deeper connections, including building emotional literacy, self-regulation, identifying unhealthy behaviours and resolving conflict without the use of violence.  

The second document was the Engaging Men through Accountable Practice (EMAP) program implementation guide, which is delivered in humanitarian and conflict settings by the International Rescue Committee (54). While the program is described as a primary prevention intervention, its primary goal is to engage men in transformative individual behaviour change to reduce harmful behaviours in the home. The EMAP framework provides a method and approach for accountable engagement of men by centring the voices of women and supporting women’s leadership. EMAP is a curriculum-based intervention with three key components: a four-week training program for trainers, an eight-lesson curriculum for women, and a 16-lesson curriculum for men. Core practice elements of the intervention include:  

• engaging appropriately skilled and qualified trainers  
• providing program staff with the training, tools and skills to model accountability  
• providing tools and knowledge to men to change belief systems and individual behaviours
• involving women in all aspects of programming
• delivering gender-specific curricula for men and women  
• matching the gender of facilitators to the gender of participants.

Early intervention with Aboriginal communities

Three documents in this review focused specifically on prevention with Aboriginal communities, and described best practices for doing this work. Two focused on the prevention of family violence (47, 48), while the other focused on prevention and early intervention with people who had experienced sexual violence (53).  

The Family Violence Reform Implementation Monitor undertook a review of Aboriginal-led prevention and early intervention in Victoria (48). The review reinforced the need for all prevention and early intervention activities with Aboriginal communities to be Aboriginal led, in line with the principles of self-determination. It described four fundamental aspects of Aboriginal-led prevention approaches:

• an integrated approach that combines prevention, early intervention, response and recovery work
• an approach that seeks to address the impacts of colonisation as a key driver of violence, including the ongoing impacts of racism
• a focus on healing through cultural strengthening, connection to Country and community
• a holistic focus on improving community health and wellbeing.

The review also highlighted several features of good practice in prevention and early intervention work within Aboriginal communities. These were:

• multilayered outreach, where community programs provide pathways to more targeted and intensive programs and interventions  
• community-driven design, implementation and participation
• on-Country program delivery that focuses on cultural and community connection
• material support for attendance/participation (e.g. transport, food)  
• culturally appropriate and relevant messaging and imagery that emphasises cultural strengthening.

Elements of good practice were also outlined in a review of Aboriginal-led family violence prevention initiatives across Australia (47). While the review aimed to synthesise evidence on best practice principles and guidance for primary prevention, it also included evidence on secondary prevention, explicitly noting the integrated prevention approach utilised by community-controlled organisations. In addition to the practices described in the Family Violence Reform Implementation Monitor report, this review emphasised the importance of strengths-based, holistic family approaches that focus on the drivers of violence at the family and community level. It also described the need for therapeutic family interventions and the need to apply trauma-informed strategies that recognise the impacts of intergenerational trauma.  

Finally, a practice paper developed by the Queensland Centre for Domestic and Family Violence Research described four key components of early intervention work with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people who have experienced sexual violence (53). These were:

• engagement of an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander workforce (or other culturally appropriate workforce)
• family and recovery orientated practice
• coordination with other key services and programs
• awareness raising and education within community.  

They also described several principles underpinning sexual violence prevention and early intervention work, some of which translate to program design and implementation practices: These were:  

• Use creative groups, such as theatre, storytelling through drama and interactive computer games.
• Consider appropriate referral points, particularly in rural and remote areas where limited phone and internet access is more likely.
• Apply community development principles and practices.  
• Use comprehensive (i.e. multicomponent), long-term programs.  
• Early intervention with children and young people

One study reported on an intervention involving children and young people who had experienced domestic violence and abuse (38). The MPOWER intervention used therapeutic group work to support children and young people to explore and describe their experiences and emotions. The authors described several factors and practices that informed their intervention design and delivery. These were:

• strengths based practices, centred on the experiences and needs of children and young people
• creative therapeutic methods to support exploration and expression of emotions
• a priority focus on building trust during the initial group sessions
• a focus on understanding caring relationships, by exploring examples of the caring relationships they had experienced, and modelling/enacting care with participants in the group.

Another study reported on an intervention involving women and their infants (aged 0 to 3 years) who had recently experienced family violence and who were living in refuges or other stable residential housing (39). While the intervention aimed to support the mother and infant, the main aim of the Safe Nest Group intervention was to prioritise the needs of the infant to support their recovery and healing. Safe Nest is a therapeutic group program involving infant-led play and dyad-structured interventions, led by specialist clinicians. The authors outlined several practice implications for early intervention work with mothers and infants: These included the need to:

• involve specialist clinicians to validate the experiences of women  
• utilise trauma and attachment informed interventions, particularly somatic processing therapies and therapeutic group play
• provide a consistent and reliable safe space for women to tell their stories  
• focus on the parent-child relationship and long-term recovery.  

Other programs and interventions

In addition to the evidence on early intervention practices with specific communities or cohorts, two reviews sought to identify effective practices in prevention and early intervention (26, 32). One provided an overview of evidence on programs and interventions, including a summary of implementation and practice elements for a range of program types. This included social and emotional development programs, dating violence programs, bystander training, home visitation programs, parenting programs and healthy relationship programs. The review also outlined important practice elements of programs targeting specific populations, including men and boys, Aboriginal people, migrants and refugees, and LGBTIQ communities (32). The other provided a summary of effective practice evidence on interventions targeting specific at-risk groups in the Australian context, including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women, culturally and linguistically diverse women, LGBTIQ communities, young women and women in regional, rural and remote communities (26).  

Intended outcomes of early intervention

We identified several intended outcomes of early intervention work in the documents included in this review. These included:

• knowledge and understanding relating to gendered violence, including on what constitutes this type of violence, what healthy and respectful relationships look like, what services are available and how to access them (34, 35, 43)
• actions and behaviours relating to gendered violence, including help-seeking intentions and behaviour, the use of harmful or abusive behaviours, and bystander actions (30, 31, 35, 36, 49)
• outcomes relating to gender equality, gender norms and gender stereotypes, including positive expressions of masculinity (31, 32, 35)

Early interventions targeting children and young people often aimed to improve social and emotional development outcomes, including communication and conflict skills, healthy relationship skills, emotional regulation, resilience and self-worth (32, 35, 38, 43). Some programs and interventions aimed to address risk or protective factors for gendered violence or improve secondary outcomes for people who had experienced or perpetrated violence, including in relation to health and wellbeing, drug and alcohol use, social networks and connections, cultural connections, and reduced involvement in the justice system (12, 26, 32). The full range of intended outcomes of Australian-based programs and interventions is outlined in Table A3 in Appendix 3.

In some systematic reviews, the interventions were not well described, making it difficult to interpret their intended or achieved outcomes. In some studies, the outcomes measured were selected based on the availability of validated instruments and/or measurement scales, rather than the objectives and intended outcomes of the interventions. As a result, the actual intended and actual outcomes of the early interventions in these were not clear.  

Only two government plans and strategies included in this review stated the intended outcomes of early intervention activities (13, 14). These were:

• people at risk of using violence are identified and referred to support services  
• people at risk of or using violence recognise their own harmful behaviours and are supported to change them
• people know how to respond and seek support when they experience or witness violence  
• workforces have the capability to identify, respond and refer appropriately  
• increased understanding of what constitutes violence against women
• increased intention to intervene when witnessing violence (community level)  
• increased knowledge of where and how to access support.

Footnotes